Jon Voight Courts Unions, Studios With Federal Tax Pitch to Keep Production in the U.S.

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Oscar winner taps “special ambassador” title from Trump, but insiders aren’t sure the White House—or Hollywood—will bite.

Jon Voight has never lacked conviction, on-screen or off. Now the 85-year-old actor is applying that trademark intensity to a new role: unofficial lobbyist for a national film-production tax credit he believes could reverse America’s runaway-production crisis.

Since March, Jon Voight has quietly met with executives from Disney, Warner Bros. Discovery, and Sony while holding listening sessions with the Directors Guild, IATSE leaders, and Teamsters Local 399.

Sources tell Deadline he’s assembling a white paper for former President Donald Trump—who in January named Voight, Sylvester Stallone, and Mel Gibson “special ambassadors” tasked with bringing jobs back to Hollywood.

A one-man charm offensive

Unlike Stallone and Gibson, who have stayed mum, Jon Voight has spent the spring shuttling between studio lots and union halls.

Jon Voight Courts Unions, Studios With Federal Tax Pitch to Keep Production in the U.S.

Participants describe the meetings as cordial but cautious: executives welcome federal help yet doubt Republican lawmakers will fund it; union reps appreciate the gesture but wonder how Voight’s plan meshes with ongoing state-level credit expansions in California and New York.

Still, the actor’s pitch is simple. According to two people who’ve reviewed an early draft, Jon Voight proposes a 25 percent federal rebate on qualified labor and below-the-line spending, stackable with state incentives. Productions would have to shoot at least 60 percent of principal photography domestically and meet minimum-employment thresholds. The program would sunset after five years unless Congress renews it.

Why the timing feels ripe—and risky

Hollywood’s major guilds have spent months sounding alarms about jobs migrating to Canada and the U.K. A recent Animation Guild report revealed California’s share of top-grossing cartoons plunged from 67 percent to 27 percent since 2010. After last year’s dual strikes and ongoing cost cuts at streaming giants, leadership on both sides of the labor table sees federal relief as the next logical battleground.

Yet politics loom large. Trump has long mocked “liberal Hollywood,” and House conservatives are slashing discretionary spending. “Any incentive labeled ‘Hollywood bailout’ will be radioactive,” says a former Senate Finance Committee staffer. Even so, Jon Voight points to Trump’s Truth Social pledge to “get done what they suggest.” Voight allies argue a nationwide credit dovetails with MAGA talking points about reshoring jobs.

California’s parallel push

Voight’s initiative lands as Governor Gavin Newsom pushes to raise California’s film-credit cap from $330 million to $750 million and widen eligibility. Two bills, SB-630 and AB-1138, would also streamline applications and lower budget floors—moves designed to halt the exodus of mid-budget features to Georgia. Union leaders privately fear that if Washington offers its own pot of gold first, Sacramento momentum could stall. For now, they’re hedging: telling Jon Voight they’ll support a federal layer so long as it doesn’t cannibalize state coffers.

Studios: intrigued but skeptical

Executives briefed on the plan see upside in a uniform rebate, which could simplify location calculus compared with 30 disparate state programs. Still, they question whether a Republican-led House would approve billions for an industry that just donated heavily to Vice President Kamala Harris. “If Jon can sell Trump, great,” shrugs one production-finance chief. “But he also needs to flip half the Freedom Caucus.”

Labor’s mixed reception

At the DGA headquarters on Sunset Boulevard, Jon Voight listened to concerns about production-company fraud and wage-floor enforcement. Union sources say he seemed receptive to adding claw-back provisions and a “U.S. crew majority” clause. IATSE President Matthew Loeb, through a spokesperson, called the conversation “constructive” but emphasized that any credit must protect pension and health-plan contributions.

Can star power overcome policy math?

Even supporters concede hurdles: the Joint Committee on Taxation would score Voight’s rebate at roughly $2 billion a year—money House Speaker Mike Johnson just promised to carve from domestic spending. Meanwhile, Trump’s social-media jabs at “woke Hollywood” complicate outreach. Still, Jon Voight remains undeterred. A confidant says he plans to present the final memo to Trump campaign officials by July 4, banking on the symbolism of “bringing American stories back home” before the GOP convention.

What comes next

If the Trump team endorses the idea, Voight will lobby key Republicans on Senate Finance and House Ways and Means, hoping to hitch the proposal to a year-end tax-extenders bill.

Should it falter, insiders expect him to pivot to statehouses, touting his research as proof every region must sweeten the pot—or watch Vancouver and Budapest keep winning.

For an actor who’s played everything from boxing managers to secret agents, the part of Hollywood’s economic savior may prove the toughest of Jon Voight’s six-decade career. Whether Congress, the White House, or even his own industry co-stars will applaud remains the cliff-hanger.

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